Download Citation on ResearchGate | On Jan 1, , Loic Wacquant and others published From slavery to mass incarceration: Rethinking the “race question”. According to Wacquant, an unforeseen by-product of chattel slavery was the Institutions in U.S. History: “From Slavery to Mass Incarceration”. Of the supplementary readings provided, I found “From Slavery to Mass Incarceration” by Loïc Wacquant the most intriguing. This particular.
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incarcwration This periodization differs from accepted chronologies of black-white relations in three ways: I will have to read the analysis by Tocqueville that you mention, as I was not aware of waacquant commentary on these topics. Vintage, ; and James Oakes, Slavery and Freedom: Klinkner with Rogers M. Cornell University Press, Sharpe, 2 nd ed. Why did the ghetto no longer succeed in its containment purpose? The campaign to make Chicago an open city was swiftly crushed by formidable repression, spearheaded by 4, National Guards.
Among the oncarceration effects of the wedding of ghetto and prison into an extended carceral mesh, perhaps the most consequential is the practical revivification and official solidification of the centuries-old association of blackness within criminality and devious violence. And it carries out its mission to surveil, train, and neutralize the populations recalcitrant or superfluous to the new economic and ethnoracial regime according to a gendered incarcreation of laborthe men being handled primarily by its penal wing while their women and children are mainly managed by a revamped welfare-workfare system designed to buttress casual employment.
Loic Wacquant: From Slavery to Mass Incarceration. New Left Review 13, January-February
The first three of these institutions, chattel slavery until the Civil War, the Jim Crow regime of caste subordination operative in the agrarian South from the close of Reconstruction to the Civil Rights insurgency that eventually toppled it, and the ghetto in the industrial metropolis of the twentieth-century North, have, each in its own manner, served two joined yet discordant purposes: Harper Torchbook,repr.
To make this website work, we log user data and share it with processors. Morgan, American Slavery, American Freedom: While sharecropping tied African-American labour to the farm, a rigid etiquette ensured that whites and blacks never interacted on a plane of equality, not even on the running track or in a boxing ring—a Birmingham ordinance of made it unlawful for them to play at checkers and dominoes with one another.
Second, the institutional scaffolding of Southern white domination was consistently supported, legitimized, and when possible extended beyond the Mason-Dixon line by the judicial, executive, and legislative branches of the federal government for most of eight decades.
Vann Woodward, American Counterpoint: Such policies pointed to yet another special institution capable of confining and controlling if not the entire African-American community, at least its most disruptive, disreputable and dangerous members: Selective Targeting and Preferential Confinement.
Beacon Press,and Ivan Hannaford, Race: Once again blacks found themselves on the bottom of the socio-economic ladder and were treated as a pollutant to white society. The Negroes do not, like the Japanese and the Chinese, have a politically organized nation and an accepted culture of their own outside of America to fall back upon.
Here again, the federal government incarceratin to take down this oppressive economic arrangement by neglecting to enforce lioc law prohibiting peonage.
Postcolonial Migrants in the Prisons of Europe. The fourth, I contend here, is the novel institutional complex formed by the remnants of the dark ghetto and the carceral apparatus with which it has become joined by a linked relationship of structural symbiosis and functional surrogacy.
Continued caste hostility from without and renewed ethnic affinity from within converged to create the ghetto as the third vehicle to extract black labour while keeping black bodies at a safe distance, to the material and symbolic benefit of white society.
The Resurgent Dangerousness of Blackness. Racial division was a consequence, not a precondition, of US slavery, but once it was instituted it became detached from its initial function and acquired a social potency of its own.
By the end of the seventies, then, as the racial and class backlash against the democratic advances won by the social movements of the preceding decade got into full swing, the prison abruptly returned to the forefront of American society and offered itself as the universal and simplex solution to all manners of social problems.
This opened a second phase, covering the closing two decades of the century, during which the white lower classes, pressed by the dislocations wrought by declining farm prices, demographic pressure, and nascent capitalist industrialization, joined with the plantation elite to demand the political disenfranchisement and systematic exclusion of former slaves from all major institutions.
Through much of the seventeenth century, indentured servitude was economically more advantageous than slavery: Lieberman, Shifting the Color Line: Their mode of urban incorporation was qualitatively different—indeed unique: Prison is rapidly being re-lexified in the same segregated fashion. Soon the black ghetto, converted into an instrument of naked exclusion by the concurrent retrenchment of wage labour and social protection, and further destabilized by the increasing penetration of the penal arm of the state, became bound to the jail and prison system by a triple relationship of functional equivalency, structural homology and cultural syncretism, such that they now constitute a single carceral continuum which entraps a redundant population of younger black men and increasingly women who circulate in closed circuit between its two poles in a self-perpetuating cycle of social and legal marginality with devastating personal and social consequences.
Most analysts have focused on trends in crime and endeavored to decompose the source of black overrepresentation in prison by sorting and sifting through patterns of criminality, bias in arrest, prosecution, and sentencing, and the impact of prior criminal records.
Stanford University Press, On the negative side, economically and socio-politically blacks were locked into subordinate and dependent relationship with the larger white society. To grasp the deep kinship between ghetto and prison, which helps explain how the structural decline and functional redundancy of the one led to the unexpected ascent and astonishing growth of the other during the last quarter-century, it is necessary first to characterize accurately the ghetto.
Excluded from schools, relegated to menial and casual jobs, subjected to widespread physical persecution, they were deprived of the vote and denied citizenship by the U. John Hagan and Ruth D.
FROM SLAVERY TO MASS INCARCERATION
State University of New York Press,pp. On the international front, too, slavery found loiv under unprecedented assault: Three brute facts stare the sociologist of racial inequality and incarceration in America incarceratiin the face as the new millennium dawns. Oxford University Press,3 rd rev. The first was the economic crisis of cotton agriculture caused by the boll weevil and later by mechanization, as well as arrested urbanization in the South due to the industrial underdevelopment of the region.
